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How the Filipino Migrant Movement Developed

There are some wrong notions among certain NGO's and Church people that migrant workers are voiceless. This has come to a point that it is only most recently that regional and international conferences include the migrant workers themselves.

Voices from the Filipino migrant workers though have been heard since the early 1980's. This started as spontaneous actions against employers such as in Saudi Arabia. These included work slowdowns and stoppages to demand better living conditions and payment of wages in the work sites. However, most of these forms of protests led to the termination of the jobs of the perceived leaders and their inability to return back to the Kingdom as a result of being blacklisted by their employers and being put on the watch list by the POEA.

These kind of actions would be replicated in the 1990's in places such as Taiwan and Macau. In 1995, scores of Filipinos staged a strike in a Formosa Plastics Corp. factory in Taoyuan only to be forcibly repatriated back to the Philippines in their slippers and with their clothes on as their only belongings. Two years later, more than a hundred Filipino employees of Guardforce staged a successful strike that caused the termination of 10 of their leaders for various disciplinary or technical offenses fabricated by their employer.

1. Brief History on the Development of Filipino Migrants Movement

Overseas Filipinos have a long history of struggle since the Spanish colonial times. Their struggle for their rights as a people is in fact a struggle for freedom from colonial bondage and exploitation. Those who were forced to work as "corvee labor" in the galleon trade fought for their freedom by "jumping ship" and by settling in New Orleans, Louisiana.

There are also Filipino migrants who were brought to Australia who either joined or supported the Katipunan's fight against colonial Spain. The printing press used by the Katipuneros (Filipino revolutionaries) were donated by migrant Filipinos in Australia.

During the American occupation of the Philippines in the 1900s, thousands of Filipinos who were practically uprooted from their Motherland in order to serve as cheap labor for the fast-growing agricultural and industrial production needs of America chose to struggle against capitalist exploitation and oppression. Massive strikes were then led by Pedro Calosa in the 1920s. There were documentations on the lives of Filipino migrant workers such as Carlos Bulosan, a Filipino migrant martyr, who actively worked in organizing migrant workers in the US under the Congress of Industrial Organizations (CIO) in the 1930s.

After WW II, about 6,000 Filipino migrant workers in the United States joined the International Longshore and Warehouse Union (ILWU) against exploitative conditions in Waipahu, Hawaii. In 1965, a militant boycott of migrant Filipinos working in grape farms and plantations led by Philip Vera Cruz inspired the Mexican plantation workers to join in the formation of the United Farm Workers Union (UFWU).

In the latter years of the '60s, the movement of overseas Filipinos took a new direction. Many Filipino activists went to the United States in order to organize and mobilize Filipinos who were residing and working there for the movement for social change in the Philippines. A broad anti-dictatorship movement against Marcos was developed. A nationalist organization of Filipinos in the United States was formed and this expanded in different cities. When then President Marcos declared martial law in the Philippines, this nationalist movement held protest actions in the United States. Even the arch enemies of Marcos flew to the US and joined the anti-fascist actions there.

In the 1970s, nationalist Filipinos in Europe and Asia-Pacific started to organize and mobilize support for the movement for social change in the Philippines. The strategy, however, stressed on building "solidarity formations" among the peoples of host countries because of intensifying repression in the Philippines. Organizing and mobilizing the migrant Filipinos who were growing in numbers then was not given ample attention.

It was only in the late '70s and early '80s that the phenomenon of massive migration of Filipinos was given attention. Support institutions were established in order to defend the rights and promote the well-being of Filipino migrant workers. Though organizing work among the ranks of the migrant workers was considered as a main task during this period, its direction and orientation was not very clear. One task was clear though -- to respond to the immediate labor and related problems of migrant workers onsite. Hence, these support institutions focused on giving support services and welfare needs such as counseling, labor assistance, shelter, and pastoral care -- services which were supposed to be shouldered by the same government which massively deployed the migrant workers in the first place.

This strategy however proved to be lacking. While it was recognized that the immediate needs of migrant workers have to be addressed, the relationship of the immediate needs and problems to the root causes of massive labor migration in the Philippines remained nebulous.

Though rights and welfare organizations, self-help groups and service institutions were formed in the early 1980s, and several activists and advocates were organized and trained, the lack of a clear orientation in relating the promotion of migrants' rights and welfare, and working for fundamental changes that would address the root problems of migration hampered the work. It even created the idea that organizing migrant workers was futile because their objective in working abroad was to uplift their economic and financial condition. This consciousness developed among many of the migrant worker activists and advocates. Instead of objectively rooting out the causes of massive migration of Filipinos, they put the subjective wish of migrant Filipinos as the principal reason for leaving the country.

In 1984, President Marcos signed into law Executive Order 857 (Forced Remittance Law), which required migrant workers to remit 70% (for landbased migrant workers) and 100% (for sea-based migrant workers) of their earnings through legal banking channels. EO 857 imposed penalties for those who did not do so.

This issue created a wide protest among the ranks of the migrant workers in the Middle East, Hongkong, Japan and Europe. A coordinated campaign was launched between migrant-related groups inside the Philippines and outside. This was the beginning of coordination of efforts inside and outside the Philippines.

The campaign projected the relationship of the general problems besetting migrant workers and the basic problems of Philippine society. It even exposed Marcos' kowtowing to the dictates of the IMF-WB. The campaign generated huge support from hundreds of thousands of migrant workers and their families.

Different forms of actions were taken -- signature campaign, petition, dialogues, public fora, discussion groups, telephone brigades, vigil, "trambayan" (migrant workers rode public trams, mass distributed leaflets, etc.). The resounding resistance of migrant workers defeated the imposition of EO 857. As a consequence, Marcos held it back.

When Cory Aquino ascended into power in 1986, she introduced a new customs tax law in 1987 -- Executive Order 206 -- for returning migrant workers. EO 206 imposed a 100% duty to all appliances brought into the country which exceed the ceiling of P5000. Prior to this decree, migrant workers could bring in appliances of any kind tax-free.

Again, the said order drew strong protests from migrant Filipinos in the Middle East, Europe, Asia-Pacific and Canada. They demanded the repeal of EO 206 and threatened to boycott remittance of dollars if the Aquino government insisted on implementing the executive order. The campaign also involved coordinated actions with groups in the Philippines. It immediately resulted in amendments to EO 206 - the ceiling was raised to P10,000, and the tax was decreased to 50%.

Though there were some gains in the campaign, organizations of migrant workers continued to campaign for its repeal. In many instances since then, migrant workers were able to assert to Customs officials at the airport of their right to bring in appliances and other items (non-commercial quantity) without paying any new tax.

From 1988 to 1991, Filipino migrant workers' organizations in Hongkong, Japan, Saudi Arabia, Europe, and Australia launched a campaign for the ratification of the ILO Conventions and Recommendations concerning Migrant Workers and their Families. They also called for the issuance of a bilateral labor agreement between the Philippine government and the government of the host country. The campaign aimed to raise the consciousness and mobilize the migrant workers and the local people to promote and protect the rights and well-being of migrants. It likewise advocated for the Philippine government and the host countries to adhere to and implement international standards for migrant workers which have thus far been established.

The Formation of a Global Alliance of Filipino Migrant Organizations

In January 1992, a conference was sponsored by the Asia Pacific Mission for Migrant Filipinos (APMMF). Participated by leaders of migrant organizations and support institutions in Asia-Pacific, Saudi Arabia and in the Philippines, the conference resulted in the formation of the Committee for the Unity of Overseas Filipinos (CUOF), which aimed to initiate the formation of an alliance of migrant organizations in the Asia Pacific and Middle East regions. Two months later, it was renamed MIGRANTE-Asia Pacific and Middle East.

MIGRANTE-APME started to build its advocacy, education and organizing work inside and outside the Philippines. Campaigns were launched and coordinated concerning issues such as the Mandatory Insurance and Repatriation Bond (MIRB), mysterious deaths of women migrants (Maricris Sioson, et.al.), unjust termination of Filipino teachers in Saudi Embassy School, and others.

In July 1992, former President Fidel Ramos implemented the MIRB that exacted P1,200 to P2,500 (US$55 - US$120 at the exchange rate of P22 to US$1) from the migrant workers for their insurance and repatriation. MIGRANTE-APME launched an educational campaign as well as protest actions against MIRB. It took four (4) long years for Pres. Ramos to retract the implementation of the aforementioned mandatory rule.

In December 1994, an international consultation was held and this resulted in the transformation of MIGRANTE-APME into MIGRANTE International. Representatives were assigned and tasked to prepare for the holding of the Founding Congress of MIGRANTE International.

When the issue of the hanging of Flor Contemplacion erupted in early March 1995, MIGRANTE International spearheaded a militant campaign in the Philippines and coordinated it with Filipino patriotic organizations and migrant advocates worldwide. The most important gain in the campaign was that it put the migrant issue on the national and international agenda. It even led the Ramos government to conduct a fact-finding team (Gancayco Commission), which also sponsored a bill now known as the Magna Carta for OCWs.

The Founding Congress of MIGRANTE International as an alliance was launched in December 1996. The alliance was composed of patriotic organizations which actively works for the promotion of the rights and welfare of migrants in particular and the Filipino people in general. It aimed to raise the consciousness, organize and mobilize the ranks of migrant Filipinos in order to defend and protect their rights and well-being and direct the struggle of the migrants towards the struggle of the Filipino people. The alliance strongly believed and affirmed that the solution to the problem of massive Filipino migration lies in the solution of the fundamental problems of Philippine society. It also believed that the only alternatives for a better Philippine society are genuine national industrialization and genuine land reform. This way, the economy will generate decent jobs and livelihood for the Filipino people, enough not to drive away or force the people to migrate.

Soon after its founding Congress, MIGRANTE International immediately launched a campaign against state exactions and human rights violations. With regards to the campaign on state exactions, passport and travel document fees in Korea were lowered by as much as 30% while authentication fee in Hongkong was also lowered by about 40%.

2. Historical Development of Filipino Migrants Movement in Selected Countries

Hong Kong

The Mission for Filipino Migrant Workers (MFMW) was instrumental in organizing migrant Filipinos in the territory. MFMW came into being in 1981 due to the request of the Anglican Church in Hong Kong to the National Council of Churches in the Philippines (NCCP) to set up a mission for the growing number of migrants in Hong Kong. After three years, the Asia Pacific Mission for Migrant Filipinos (APMMF) was established. The two institution teamed-up in organizing Filipino migrants in the territory and the counseling program of the MFMW helped in the initial contact building and investigation needed in organizing work.

Both institution encouraged the formation of self-help groups and was instrumental in the formation of Association of Concerned Filipinos (ACFIL) in 1984. It had also good relations with other Filipino organizations already set up like the St. John's Fellowship and BIBAK.

Since sunday was the usual day-off schedule for most of the Filipinos, the MFMW and APMMF staff usually maximized this day to integrate with the migrants. Thus, organizational activities such as meetings, consultation, education trainings, fora and public activities were usually held during this day.

In providing the needed education training, both institution did not only provide organizational management training in their education plan but also information that equiped migrants for a critical analysis of their situation as migrants and as Filipinos. These included other issues that affects the lives of the majority of the Filipino people.

The issue of forced remittance (EO857) hastened the formation of a broad formation against said executive order which later transformed into United Filipinos in Hong Kong (UNIFIL-HK) in 1985. UNIFIL as an alliance of Filipino migrant organizations started with 10 members which later grew to 21. At present, UNIFIL has good working relationships with three federations and one union. These are the Abra Tingguian-Ilocano Society (ATIS), United Pangasinan Association, Mindanao Federation, Sabangan Federation, Cordillera Alliance and Filipino Migrant Workers Union (FMWU).

The following are the present 21 member organizations of UNIFIL:

1. Abra Migrant Workers Welfare Association (AMWWA) 2. Association of Concerned Filipinos (ACFIL) 3. Balili-alab Workers Organization (BAWO) 4. Binalonan, Pangasinan Migrant Workers Organization (BPMWO) 5. Dolores Civic association 6. Dumarao Hong Kong Association 7. Filipino Friends in HK 8. Filipino Mission - Methodist Church 9. Friends of Bethune House (FBH) 10. Justice and Peace - Evangelization Family 11. Maharlika Association 12. Methodist Filipino Fellowship 13. Pasuquin Ellite Migrant Association 14. Philippine Independent Church - Choir 15. Pinatud A Saleng Ti Umili (PSU) 16. San Quintin, Pangasinan Migrant Workers Organization (SPMWO) 17. San Vicente Migrant Workers Organization (SVMO) 18. Tayug, Pangasinan Migrant Workers Organization (TPMWO) 19. United Ybanag Association 20. Villasis, Pangasinan Migrant Workers Organization (VPMWO) 21. Women of Philippine Independent Church - (WOPIC) - Antique Chapter

UNIFIL earned the respect of the Filipino migrant community by achieving success in its campaign against EO 857 and other issues close to the hearts of the migrants. It was also one of the leading organizations which protested against the introduction of the racist and discriminatory policy of the Hong Kong Immigration Department called New Conditions of Stay (NCS) which, up to now it has consistently opposed.

Another Philippine government policy called Memorandum Circular No. 41 or MC 41 which required all overseas contract workers (OCW's) to pass through recruitment agencies was later replaced by Department Order No. 11. The new department order removed the mandatory requirement for OCW's to pass through recruitment agencies. This development was a result of a series of campaigns launched by UNIFIL-HK and other migrant organizations and institutions.

It also participated in various national issues most notable of which were the ouster of Presidents Marcos and Estrada. It was instrumental in forming the Asian Migrant Coordinating Body (AMCB) in 1994 - a coalition of different migrant organizations of different nationalities (Nepal, Sri Lanka, Indonesia, Thailand, Philippines) which thwarted moves by different Hong Kong government bodies and some politicians to sponsor anti-migrant policies.

These victories included a lower wage cut in 1999 (five percent from the proposed 35%), the non-implementation of the the proposals to cut the maternity protection and benefits for Foreign Domestic Helpers (FDHs), the scrapping of the ban on driving duties and the non-approval of a 20 percent levy on FDH's.

Another recent proposal for a wage cut was prevented by the series of protest actions organized by the AMCB.

Saudi Arabia

Contacts in this country among Filipino migrants started few months after the establishment of APMMF in 1984. In 1985, the total number of Filipino migrants working in Saudi Arabia reached 328,111. Most of them were in construction work, hospitals, government agencies, and other services-related work.

The primary concern during this period was how to address the very difficult situation of migrant workers in Saudi Arabia, given its very conservative socio-political system. The breakthrough in organizing work in Saudi Arabia debunked the findings of some NGOs who had earlier visited the country and then came out with the conclusion that it was impossible to do organizing work there.

In 1985, APMMF facilitated the formation of volunteer groups of Filipinos in Jeddah and Riyadh. Two migrant groups were formed and these would operate secretly among the migrant workers there, because its very strict monarchial rule of forbidding any form of social organization aside from Islam.

Kapatiran sa Gitnang Silangan (KGS) in Riyadh, and the Filipino Expatriates, Inc. (FILEX) in Jeddah were launched in 1986. The System of Unity for Social Integration (SUSI) was also established in the Eastern Province during this period. Their members were mostly migrants working in hospitals, banks, transportation, engineering and construction sites. KGS even had its own publication called Kabayan.

In 1989, KUMPARE (Kapulungan at Ugnayan ng mga Migranteng Pilipino sa Arabong Rehiyon) was formed in Jeddah. KUMPARE operationalized its organizing work through camp hopping, initiating discussion groups, and forming core groups in specific areas. Its welfare assistance extended to providing food, shelter and encouraging a sense of belonging among stranded workers and other victims of labor issues. A Saudi-wide migrant rights and welfare formation called KASAMA-KA was also established in 1992 and it had six organizations under its wing.

With the aid of APMMF's initial contacts that acted as volunteer organisers, KGS, SUSI, Kumpare and FILEX were set up. These organizations existed for some years and took up the tasks of organizing and assisting other Filipinos there. However, the reality of migrant work caught up with the key leaders of these organizations who had to move away, given that they were migrant workers themselves and they had to go where their jobs took them. KGS and KUMPARE continued to exist but FILEX and SUSI eventually disbanded because there were no organizers/leaders to facilitate their development and continuity.

In 1992, two full-time organizers of APMMF were sent to Saudi Arabia to do follow-up work and assist in MIGRANTE's organizing and education work. These two organizers were former workers in Saudi Arabia and were leaders/organizers before they decided to become full-time organizers. Their work was to continue what they initiated before and to further pursue the organizing work that they had once left behind. Their presence also helped to fill the vacuum that was created by some leaders who decided to return home for good.

The experience and lessons derived from the period of 1984 - 1991 gave impetus to migrant organizations and organizers to expand to other areas in Saudi Arabia, and to build on the initial organizing work that was first established in Riyadh, the Eastern Province, and Jeddah.

Aside from contacting and developing closer ties with the existing migrant organizations in the region, a new formation was established during the early part of this period -- the Association of Dressmakers in the Eastern Province which had a membership of 200 migrant workers. Another organization named Lakas Manggagawa sa Jubail (Workers Strength in Jubail) or LMJ with around 50 members was also established in the Eastern Province at around the same time as the Association of Dressmakers.

Breakthroughs were also made in many areas, so that some highly-skilled blue-collared Filipino workers and professionals were encouraged to participate in and support migrant organizations whose members were mostly semi-skilled workers in factories, in industrial sites, and in the service sector.

Thus, a new organization was set up in the industrial areas of Riyadh named KALMAPI (Kaisahan ng Migranteng Pilipino sa Industrial Area or Unity of Migrant Filipinos in the Industrial Area). Its membership rose to more than 200 workers during this period.

The presence of full-time organizers during this period resulted in the conduct of seminar-workshops in organizing and leadership training held in Riyadh, Jeddah and the Eastern Province. The seminar-workshops dealt on the process and methods of organizing migrant workers, e.g., how to facilitate contacts and develop them to become part of an organizing group.

Consultations/workshops on secondary-level training, like leadership formation for Saudi-based leaders, instructors' training for organisers, and cooperatives development for some workers were held. Issue campaigns against unjust labor practices were also done, an example of which was the advocacy action for 32 dismissed teachers of the Philippine Embassy School in Riyadh who were later reinstated because of advocacy campaigns staged by migrant groups and supported by migrant institution in the region.

Organizing work in Saudi at this time was vibrant. Migrant workers' organizations were active because many of their members knew the importance of being organized and they participated enthusiastically in the training workshops and in the advocacy campaigns that were conducted. It was, therefore, a great loss when some migrant leaders had to return home due to the expiration of their working contracts. The active members of the Dressmakers Association in the Eastern Province were also forced to return home when their employers decided to close down their factories as a result of the economic crisis and stiff market competition.

By the end of this period, there was a diminished number of leader/organisers, and some of the migrant organisations established earlier became inactive. These were the Association of Dressmakers in the Eastern Province, the Filipino Expatriates, Inc. (FILEX), and KUMPARE in Jeddah. As a consequence, the Saudi-wide formation called KASAMA-KA would later on become inactive. One of the founding member-organizations of MIGRANTE, the Kapatiran sa Gitnang Silangan (KGS), would remain active in Riyadh, while KALMAPI continued to exist in the industrial area.

On top of these, it was pointed out that in spite of the contribution made during the period of stay of full time organizers in the area, it failed to develop second-liner leaders who could lead the further development of migrant organizations. This failure was attributed to the short-term stay of full time organizers. There was the problem of securing their long-term visas so they could stay for longer periods of time. Aside from this, there were also the difficulties of adjusting and withstanding Middle Eastern culture and the conditions of working in such a repressive environment.

In Saudi Arabia, the System of Unity for Social Integration (SUSI) which was originally established in the Eastern Province in 1992 was re-established in Riyadh in February, 1997. The re-establishment of SUSI in Riyadh was due to former SUSI leaders of the Eastern Province who had been transferred for employment in Riyadh.

Lakas Manggagawa ng Al-Khobar or Workers Strength in Al-Khobar (LMA) was then established in the Eastern Province in 1997. Other formations of migrant workers emerged in other cities in the Eastern Province like Jubail and Dahmam. Later, they formed themselves into a coordinating body called Lakas Manggagawa sa Silangang Probinsya or Workers Strength in the Eastern Province (LMSP).

There was a phenomenon among migrant workers, be they men and women, where they classified themselves as "stranded" for various reasons - like being "undocumented" workers because they had no valid work or residency permits, either because they ran away from abusive employers or their contracts had expired but they still wanted to work in foreign countries; abandonment of employers due to economic bankruptcy or other reasons; loss of livelihood due to occurrence of natural disasters struck, etc.

Despite the Saudi situation, organizing work was initiated among stranded workers who called themselves Migrant Workers Stranded in Riyadh (MWSR). As mentioned earlier, the difficulties of organizing work in Saudi Arabia were even more exacerbated because of the fear that these undocumented workers lived through - they were officially categorized as "criminals" and no institutionalized mechanisms were available for their protection. Fellow migrants who would help them faced grave danger and they could be deported for "coddling criminals".

For years, the plight of these stranded workers was taken up in various advocacy campaigns, and it was only during this period that they were brought together, to organize and mobilize them to act on their situation, and to demand protection from their government -- after all, they paid exorbitant membership and service fees to OWWA and other government agencies so they could be insured or protected from such calumny.

In 1996, as a result of the campaign, they were repatriated back to Manila where they reconvened themselves and affiliated their formation with MIGRANTE International. The ensuing MIGRANTE-led campaign resulted in the release of a US$10,000 fund by the Department of Foreign Affairs of the Philippine government for a male shelter facility, food and medicines for the stranded workers. It also reulsted in the repatriation of 2,000 of them from Saudi Arabia.

During this period, problems on how best to organize migrants in a very conservative country like Saudi Arabia, and how to do organizing work in a situation where there was a fast turn-over rate among migrant workers needed to be addressed.

Summing-up of experiences and a drawing of lessons were conducted. It was pointed out that in Saudi, the training of second-liners who could take up the tasks of organizing work had to be done through a learning-while-doing method. This meant that would-be volunteers were encouraged to attend meetings wherein various things were concretely done like in the conceptualization of campaigns, discussion of issues, trouble-shooting to solve organizational problems and other related matters. Coupled with this on-the-job training, so to speak, there was the need for organizers to focus on assisting existing organizations, on doing expansion work through chapter building, and on more organizing in the industrial-based areas.

The key to this was the conduct of regular assessments and learning from the summing-up of experiences.

South Korea

In 1999, a campaign launched by some Filipino migrant groups against excessive collection of passport fees and temporary travel document of the Philippine Embassy was held. This happened during the height of the 1997 financial crisis that forced migrant workers in Korea to return home.

The campaign was launched after a series consultations made by APMMF representative who happened to be present in Korea during the announcement of the Philippine Embassy that they will increase the collection of fees. Afterwards, a series of dialogues with the Philippine Embassy officials were held.

The campaign was supported by other migrant groups in different countries and in the Philippines through MIGRANTE International. It forced the Philippine Embassy in Korea to lower its fees for passports and temporary travel documents.

The lessons and experiences after the lowering of fees became more significant and it encouraged the leaders and members of different organizations to continue with their unity and united actions. This led to the formation of KASAMMAKO or Unity of Filipino Migrant Workers in Korea, an alliance of Filipino migrant organizations which was formally established in the same year.

The alliance was originally composed of the following migrant groups:

1. Association of Filipino Migrant Workers in Korea (AFILMWOK)
2. Bicol Association
3. Federation of Filipino Workers in Korea (FFWK)
4. New Era Foundation
5. Sama-sama sa Korea (SSK)

Almost half of the 27,000 Filipinos in Korea in year 2000 were undocumented migrants, meaning they did not have proper working documents.

The presence of a full-time organizer to coordinate different acitivities and conduct direct organizing among the undocumented migrants was a very important factor. But this should not be taken as a pre-requisite in organizing migrants. The campaign in 1999 was held without the presence of a full-time organizer. What was important was the courage and unity of migrant workers to oppose and resist anti-migrant policies both by their own government and the government of the host country.

Due to their mobility problem, regular visits among migrants workplaces and living quarters were held regularly. This provided regular updates on the issues of the day and and also served as a venue to do coordination work. For KASAMMAKO leaders, they conducted their regular visits after work and during their day-off.

At present, member organizations of KASAMMAKO expanded from the original five member organization to 10 member organizations. KASAMMAKO continued to launch campaigns against the trainee system, cancellation of passports, crackdown of undocumented migrants, excessive fees and sex trafficking among others. They conducted campaign actions aside from the day to day welfare and labor related cases that they handled among their member organizations.